Call me what you want......I am against what Netanyahu is doing, not against Israel. If you want to label me that, even though you don't know me, just because I have a different point of view, so be it. I really don't care what total strangers think about me. The only people who I care what they think about me are G-D, my family and my friends...........so assume what you wish.
Of course they're read, and of course they simply state the truth. Ironically, the ones who read them most carefully are the ones who write shit like no one reads them. Talk about Irony. Thanks DH, and sorry for the idiots who just insult you because they can't debate with you and your rational point of view.
[h=2]Is Netanyahu on his way out?[/h] It would seem that Israel had never seen such a surprising, capricious and unpredictable election campaign as the current one. In the last three months, almost every week featured some kind of upheaval, or rule-changing political drama, or other event with a direct effect on the political system. There is hardly an Israeli political player whose current status and position is even close to the assessments regarding his status at the beginning of the campaign.
Summary: Less than a week before the elections, all options are still open, be they a government headed by Zionist Camp leader Isaac Herzog, by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu or by both.
Author Ben Caspit Posted March 12, 2015 TranslatorSandy Bloom
Even on March 12, five days before elections, it is still very hard to predict the results. Above and beyond all else, one thing is clear: The Israeli 2015 elections are, more than anything else, a referendum on the one and only issue: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Yes or no, that is the question.
Let’s start with Netanyahu: Although we may have forgotten, the truth is that it was the prime minister who called for early elections, even though he could have served another three years as premier. He did this because he was sick and tired of the situation and had misgivings about Yesh Atid leader (then Finance Minister) Yair Lapid. In addition, Netanyahu suffered a personal, resounding blow and setback in the preliminary reading of what is nicknamed “the Israel Hayom (newspaper) law,” a bill designed to limit the free distribution of the freebie newspaper Israel Hayom. This newspaper, identified with Netanyahu, is underwritten to the tune of tens of millions of shekels by Netanyahu’s associate, Jewish-American casino magnate Sheldon Adelson.
When Netanyahu opted for early elections in December 2014, he was in the consensus. Even his opponents knew that the elections would entail only minimal political adjustments and that Netanyahu’s chances of being defeated and losing the premiership were minuscule, if at all.
And behold, three months later, Netanyahu is lagging significantly behind in the polls, the buzz on the street is against him, he is hemorrhaging seats and fighting for his political life. The assessment in Israel is that if Netanyahu receives fewer than 20 seats, he will resign from political life in the course of election eve or immediately after it. At the moment, the official polls give him around 21 seats. He needs to lose another two to end his career.
In recent days, Netanyahu has burst out in a “gevalt” campaign, the Israeli (Yiddish) appellation for an emergency campaign that admits to the possibility of defeat and calls on all Likudniks to “come home” to save the right-wing regime. On March 13, the last polls will be published (by law, polls may not be published in the last four days before the elections), and will reveal to Netanyahu whether or not his approach is succeeding.
At the end of the week, the prime minister decided to break his silence and give interviews to anyone who asked, meaning to almost all the Israeli media outlets. Until now, Netanyahu preferred to be interviewed by friendly niche channels such as ultra-Orthodox radio stations. Suddenly, he is interviewed everywhere. These days are reminiscent of Netanyahu’s last days in power in 1999 (his first term as premier), and also former Prime Minister Ehud Barak’s last days in power in 2001.
Should Netanyahu lose the election, it will be very reminiscent of the defeat of George Bush (the father) to Bill Clinton in 1992. Bush was a much esteemed American president, the world’s all-powerful CEO who presided over a short and relatively cheap military campaign in the Gulf, in the course of which he brought Iraqi President Saddam Hussein to his knees, liberated Kuwait and got home safely. Bush was supposed to win the elections by a landslide, just as Netanyahu is expected to in 2015. But Bush lost because he didn’t understand the real problems: He didn’t understand that the American nation felt suffocated, the economy was faltering, unemployment was rising sharply, the American dream was slipping out of reach. By the time he understood, it was too late. Americans wanted something else altogether, and they got it.
The rest of the players in the Israeli political arena are also to be found in places they didn’t anticipate only a few months ago. Zionist Camp leader Isaac (Buji) Herzog, who could hardly garner 12 to 13 seats at the beginning (at the time, Netanyahu enjoyed at least 25 seats), now leads the polls. Overnight, Herzog became the alternative candidate and the prime minister’s only rival, a default to Netanyahu.
The process that led to this political miracle was Herzog’s joining up with Tzipi Livni, head of the Hatnua Party. On a personal level, Livni became one of the most disliked politicians in Israel, mainly to the right. But the Herzog-Livni partnership jump-started the Zionist Camp campaign and gave it its first advance, its first leap forward that transformed the Zionist Camp into the only political alternative. Lapid, who did not invest enough energy in his persuasion efforts vis-a-vis Livni, can only regret it now. If Livni would have joined up with him, it is altogether likely that he (and she) would now be leading the polls, and not Herzog.
Nevertheless, Lapid is capable of reproducing his 2013 elections achievement (19 seats), or approach that number. When the campaign began, Lapid was a defeated, controversial candidate who was much criticized on all sides. His personal popularity hit a new low, and the number of his projected seats ranged from seven to eight. Today Lapid is the best campaigner in Israel, he enthuses the street and the public, his rallies are attended by thousands and his political machine is effective, accurate and as precise as a Swiss watch. He employs the services of the best polling adviser in town: Mark Mellman, an American. Lapid is already nearing 14 seats and if he succeeds in recreating the flood of votes in the final days of the campaign, he may even climb higher than that.
The ultra-Orthodox arena is raging and storming. The simple, ultra-Orthodox political map of yesteryear, in which Shas was for the Sephardim (Middle Eastern Jewry) and Yahadut HaTorah was for Ashkenazim (European Jewry), has now become a three-pronged wrestling match: Shas split apart with an uproar as Eli Yishai, the former leader, left while slamming the door behind him. One scandal followed another; politically compromising videocassettes from the house of deceased Shas spiritual leader Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, public statements, mudslinging and defamation. At this point, Yishai (who recently founded the Yachad party) is wavering on the verge of the electoral threshold. If he enters the Knesset with four to five seats, the ultra-Orthodox electoral strength will be preserved. But if he remains outside, it will be a big blow to the ultra-Orthodox camp, which would lose four to five seats. This could be excellent news for the center-left bloc.
Now we come to Yisrael Beitenu leader and Foreign Minister Avigdor Liberman, who suffered the worst shake-up of them all. At this point, he was supposed to be at his high point. If he were to have reached a double-digit number of seats, he planned to join forces with Kulanu Party leader Moshe Kahlon a day after the elections and demand a rotation as premier, from Netanyahu (or Herzog). But then the well-publicized police investigation began against his party’s elites, and Liberman nose-dived and crashed. As of today, Liberman is also fighting for his political life, and there is even a chance that he, too, won’t cross the electoral threshold of four seats.
It is altogether possible that at the end of the current electoral campaign, the Israeli political system will lose two of its key players: Netanyahu and Liberman, who started out together (Liberman was Netanyahu’s right-hand man and head of the prime minister’s office in Netanyahu’s first term). They may well finish together as well.
And Naftali Bennett, HaBayit HaYehudi head and Minister of Economy and Trade, who took off at the beginning of the campaign with high numbers (up to around 17 seats), now finds himself in different circumstances with only 11-12 seats. Meanwhile the Arab lists that had formerly run separately, united under the pressure of the new threshold percentage into a joint list that threatens to rake in more mandates (around 14). Thus, there is not even one player on the Israeli political map today who is in the position he thought he would be when the race began. What is left in the final sprint is to not make mistakes and to try to channel the flow of voters.
As of now, a reasonable chance exists that Herzog will be able to assemble a government and that Netanyahu will resign from political life. There is also a reasonable chance that Herzog and Netanyahu will end up with a draw, leading to the establishment of a unity government with a rotation agreement over the post of premier. And there is also a certain possibility that Netanyahu will still succeed to change course at the last minute and somehow cling to the prime minister’s office for another fraction of a term of office.
Late March 17 or early March 18, this fuzzy picture will begin to become clear. The election results will have significant repercussions on the lives of millions of Israelis, and also on the public image of Israel in the world and the geopolitical situation of the Middle East.
Summary: Less than a week before the elections, all options are still open, be they a government headed by Zionist Camp leader Isaac Herzog, by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu or by both.
Author Ben Caspit Posted March 12, 2015 TranslatorSandy Bloom
Even on March 12, five days before elections, it is still very hard to predict the results. Above and beyond all else, one thing is clear: The Israeli 2015 elections are, more than anything else, a referendum on the one and only issue: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Yes or no, that is the question.
Let’s start with Netanyahu: Although we may have forgotten, the truth is that it was the prime minister who called for early elections, even though he could have served another three years as premier. He did this because he was sick and tired of the situation and had misgivings about Yesh Atid leader (then Finance Minister) Yair Lapid. In addition, Netanyahu suffered a personal, resounding blow and setback in the preliminary reading of what is nicknamed “the Israel Hayom (newspaper) law,” a bill designed to limit the free distribution of the freebie newspaper Israel Hayom. This newspaper, identified with Netanyahu, is underwritten to the tune of tens of millions of shekels by Netanyahu’s associate, Jewish-American casino magnate Sheldon Adelson.
When Netanyahu opted for early elections in December 2014, he was in the consensus. Even his opponents knew that the elections would entail only minimal political adjustments and that Netanyahu’s chances of being defeated and losing the premiership were minuscule, if at all.
And behold, three months later, Netanyahu is lagging significantly behind in the polls, the buzz on the street is against him, he is hemorrhaging seats and fighting for his political life. The assessment in Israel is that if Netanyahu receives fewer than 20 seats, he will resign from political life in the course of election eve or immediately after it. At the moment, the official polls give him around 21 seats. He needs to lose another two to end his career.
In recent days, Netanyahu has burst out in a “gevalt” campaign, the Israeli (Yiddish) appellation for an emergency campaign that admits to the possibility of defeat and calls on all Likudniks to “come home” to save the right-wing regime. On March 13, the last polls will be published (by law, polls may not be published in the last four days before the elections), and will reveal to Netanyahu whether or not his approach is succeeding.
At the end of the week, the prime minister decided to break his silence and give interviews to anyone who asked, meaning to almost all the Israeli media outlets. Until now, Netanyahu preferred to be interviewed by friendly niche channels such as ultra-Orthodox radio stations. Suddenly, he is interviewed everywhere. These days are reminiscent of Netanyahu’s last days in power in 1999 (his first term as premier), and also former Prime Minister Ehud Barak’s last days in power in 2001.
Should Netanyahu lose the election, it will be very reminiscent of the defeat of George Bush (the father) to Bill Clinton in 1992. Bush was a much esteemed American president, the world’s all-powerful CEO who presided over a short and relatively cheap military campaign in the Gulf, in the course of which he brought Iraqi President Saddam Hussein to his knees, liberated Kuwait and got home safely. Bush was supposed to win the elections by a landslide, just as Netanyahu is expected to in 2015. But Bush lost because he didn’t understand the real problems: He didn’t understand that the American nation felt suffocated, the economy was faltering, unemployment was rising sharply, the American dream was slipping out of reach. By the time he understood, it was too late. Americans wanted something else altogether, and they got it.
The rest of the players in the Israeli political arena are also to be found in places they didn’t anticipate only a few months ago. Zionist Camp leader Isaac (Buji) Herzog, who could hardly garner 12 to 13 seats at the beginning (at the time, Netanyahu enjoyed at least 25 seats), now leads the polls. Overnight, Herzog became the alternative candidate and the prime minister’s only rival, a default to Netanyahu.
The process that led to this political miracle was Herzog’s joining up with Tzipi Livni, head of the Hatnua Party. On a personal level, Livni became one of the most disliked politicians in Israel, mainly to the right. But the Herzog-Livni partnership jump-started the Zionist Camp campaign and gave it its first advance, its first leap forward that transformed the Zionist Camp into the only political alternative. Lapid, who did not invest enough energy in his persuasion efforts vis-a-vis Livni, can only regret it now. If Livni would have joined up with him, it is altogether likely that he (and she) would now be leading the polls, and not Herzog.
Nevertheless, Lapid is capable of reproducing his 2013 elections achievement (19 seats), or approach that number. When the campaign began, Lapid was a defeated, controversial candidate who was much criticized on all sides. His personal popularity hit a new low, and the number of his projected seats ranged from seven to eight. Today Lapid is the best campaigner in Israel, he enthuses the street and the public, his rallies are attended by thousands and his political machine is effective, accurate and as precise as a Swiss watch. He employs the services of the best polling adviser in town: Mark Mellman, an American. Lapid is already nearing 14 seats and if he succeeds in recreating the flood of votes in the final days of the campaign, he may even climb higher than that.
The ultra-Orthodox arena is raging and storming. The simple, ultra-Orthodox political map of yesteryear, in which Shas was for the Sephardim (Middle Eastern Jewry) and Yahadut HaTorah was for Ashkenazim (European Jewry), has now become a three-pronged wrestling match: Shas split apart with an uproar as Eli Yishai, the former leader, left while slamming the door behind him. One scandal followed another; politically compromising videocassettes from the house of deceased Shas spiritual leader Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, public statements, mudslinging and defamation. At this point, Yishai (who recently founded the Yachad party) is wavering on the verge of the electoral threshold. If he enters the Knesset with four to five seats, the ultra-Orthodox electoral strength will be preserved. But if he remains outside, it will be a big blow to the ultra-Orthodox camp, which would lose four to five seats. This could be excellent news for the center-left bloc.
Now we come to Yisrael Beitenu leader and Foreign Minister Avigdor Liberman, who suffered the worst shake-up of them all. At this point, he was supposed to be at his high point. If he were to have reached a double-digit number of seats, he planned to join forces with Kulanu Party leader Moshe Kahlon a day after the elections and demand a rotation as premier, from Netanyahu (or Herzog). But then the well-publicized police investigation began against his party’s elites, and Liberman nose-dived and crashed. As of today, Liberman is also fighting for his political life, and there is even a chance that he, too, won’t cross the electoral threshold of four seats.
It is altogether possible that at the end of the current electoral campaign, the Israeli political system will lose two of its key players: Netanyahu and Liberman, who started out together (Liberman was Netanyahu’s right-hand man and head of the prime minister’s office in Netanyahu’s first term). They may well finish together as well.
And Naftali Bennett, HaBayit HaYehudi head and Minister of Economy and Trade, who took off at the beginning of the campaign with high numbers (up to around 17 seats), now finds himself in different circumstances with only 11-12 seats. Meanwhile the Arab lists that had formerly run separately, united under the pressure of the new threshold percentage into a joint list that threatens to rake in more mandates (around 14). Thus, there is not even one player on the Israeli political map today who is in the position he thought he would be when the race began. What is left in the final sprint is to not make mistakes and to try to channel the flow of voters.
As of now, a reasonable chance exists that Herzog will be able to assemble a government and that Netanyahu will resign from political life. There is also a reasonable chance that Herzog and Netanyahu will end up with a draw, leading to the establishment of a unity government with a rotation agreement over the post of premier. And there is also a certain possibility that Netanyahu will still succeed to change course at the last minute and somehow cling to the prime minister’s office for another fraction of a term of office.
Late March 17 or early March 18, this fuzzy picture will begin to become clear. The election results will have significant repercussions on the lives of millions of Israelis, and also on the public image of Israel in the world and the geopolitical situation of the Middle East.
I make no predictions, Casper, I only post articles by those with knowledge, who do. I hope they're correct because the stench of Bibi needs to be removed, for the good of Israel. Added to my optimism is now YOU making a prediction. I'll have to ask President Thompson, or is it President Duncan Hunter, about your pathetic predictions, or maybe I'll ask Ex President Obama, who was ousted last year, or was it 2013, when the Universe shattering Info about his Birth Place was released. kth)(&^Loser!@#0
ointer:[h=1]Israel's Netanyahu scrambles as polls show rival's lead growing[/h]
By Batsheva Sobelman
As Israel's elections near, polls show lead growing for Netanyahu's main rival
Israel's Netanyahu surfaces to give speeches, interviews as polls show him slipping before Tuesday election
Four days before Israel’s general election, public opinion polls on Friday pointed to a widening lead for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s main rival.
However, the polls also suggested that about 15% of the electorate remained undecided, and Israeli elections are known for substantial last-minute vote swings.
Netanyahu’s camp appeared to take seriously his apparent electoral peril. The prime minister, who had made almost no campaign appearances, embarked on a blitz of interviews and speeches.
A series of polls on Friday – the last such surveys that will appear before the vote – showed the center-left Zionist Union, headed by Isaac Herzog, with its largest lead yet, outpolling Netanyahu’s conservative Likud by two to five seats in the 120-member Knesset, the parliament. In Israel, votes are cast for parties, not individuals.
The prime minister insisted that the Israeli public still backed him, though polls pointed to more people wanting him gone than for his tenure to continue. Netanyahu said voters perhaps mistakenly believed he would agree to form a “unity” government with Herzog’s bloc, a scenario the Israeli leader has ruled out.
“The majority of the public wants me as prime minister, but some think they can enjoy both worlds and vote for another national party and have me as prime minister,” the Israeli leader told several news outlets. “Anyone who wants me as prime minister must vote for Likud.”
Nothing is final. The gap is not inerasable. - Columnist Ben Caspit in Friday's editions of the Maariv newspaper
Warning of his dovish rivals’ supposedly soft positions on the Palestinian issue, Iran and terror, the prime minister sounded a familiar note: The country’s security belongs in his hands. But he acknowledged he risked being tossed out of office “if the national camp doesn’t come to its senses and vote for Likud.”
According to the polls, only half of the Likud voters of 2013 intended to vote for the party this time around.
On Friday, Netanyahu reached out to voters over Facebook, taking questions from the public on a variety of issues. He said that Herzog and opposition candidate Tzipi Livni, with whom Herzog has said he would rotate the premiership, would make concessions under international pressure that would endanger Israel’s security.
“They want to capitulate; we want to stand strong,” he said.
During the campaign, Herzog crisscrossed Israel with multiple daily appearances and interviews. Netanyahu largely refrained from direct campaigning, relying on his stature as the incumbent to keep him in the public eye.
After focusing on security and Iran’s controversial nuclear program for much of the campaign while skirting the socioeconomic challenges that trouble many Israelis, Netanyahu acknowledged high housing costs and pledged to address the issue. According to polls, Netanyahu’s party has lost considerable support to centrist parties focusing on concerns such as the cost of living.
While Netanyahu’s camp sounded the alarm to regain lost support, his rival urged his own backers to keep going full steam and avoid complacency.
“The polls show the trend clearly; we’re on our way to victory,” Herzog said on Facebook. “But to form the next government we need a much bigger camp.”
With the campaign clock ticking down, candidates and campaigners were out in force Friday, competing for attention in crowded public venues. Herzog was attending a rally in the southern city of Ashdod and an open-air market in Tel Aviv, among other stops.
Commentators noted the Zionist Union’s growing lead, but warned not to count Netanyahu out.
“Nothing is final,” columnist Ben Caspit wrote in Friday’s editions of the Maariv newspaper. “The gap is not unerasable.”
By Batsheva Sobelman
As Israel's elections near, polls show lead growing for Netanyahu's main rival
Israel's Netanyahu surfaces to give speeches, interviews as polls show him slipping before Tuesday election
Four days before Israel’s general election, public opinion polls on Friday pointed to a widening lead for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s main rival.
However, the polls also suggested that about 15% of the electorate remained undecided, and Israeli elections are known for substantial last-minute vote swings.
Netanyahu’s camp appeared to take seriously his apparent electoral peril. The prime minister, who had made almost no campaign appearances, embarked on a blitz of interviews and speeches.
A series of polls on Friday – the last such surveys that will appear before the vote – showed the center-left Zionist Union, headed by Isaac Herzog, with its largest lead yet, outpolling Netanyahu’s conservative Likud by two to five seats in the 120-member Knesset, the parliament. In Israel, votes are cast for parties, not individuals.
The prime minister insisted that the Israeli public still backed him, though polls pointed to more people wanting him gone than for his tenure to continue. Netanyahu said voters perhaps mistakenly believed he would agree to form a “unity” government with Herzog’s bloc, a scenario the Israeli leader has ruled out.
“The majority of the public wants me as prime minister, but some think they can enjoy both worlds and vote for another national party and have me as prime minister,” the Israeli leader told several news outlets. “Anyone who wants me as prime minister must vote for Likud.”
Nothing is final. The gap is not inerasable. - Columnist Ben Caspit in Friday's editions of the Maariv newspaper
Warning of his dovish rivals’ supposedly soft positions on the Palestinian issue, Iran and terror, the prime minister sounded a familiar note: The country’s security belongs in his hands. But he acknowledged he risked being tossed out of office “if the national camp doesn’t come to its senses and vote for Likud.”
According to the polls, only half of the Likud voters of 2013 intended to vote for the party this time around.
On Friday, Netanyahu reached out to voters over Facebook, taking questions from the public on a variety of issues. He said that Herzog and opposition candidate Tzipi Livni, with whom Herzog has said he would rotate the premiership, would make concessions under international pressure that would endanger Israel’s security.
“They want to capitulate; we want to stand strong,” he said.
During the campaign, Herzog crisscrossed Israel with multiple daily appearances and interviews. Netanyahu largely refrained from direct campaigning, relying on his stature as the incumbent to keep him in the public eye.
After focusing on security and Iran’s controversial nuclear program for much of the campaign while skirting the socioeconomic challenges that trouble many Israelis, Netanyahu acknowledged high housing costs and pledged to address the issue. According to polls, Netanyahu’s party has lost considerable support to centrist parties focusing on concerns such as the cost of living.
While Netanyahu’s camp sounded the alarm to regain lost support, his rival urged his own backers to keep going full steam and avoid complacency.
“The polls show the trend clearly; we’re on our way to victory,” Herzog said on Facebook. “But to form the next government we need a much bigger camp.”
With the campaign clock ticking down, candidates and campaigners were out in force Friday, competing for attention in crowded public venues. Herzog was attending a rally in the southern city of Ashdod and an open-air market in Tel Aviv, among other stops.
Commentators noted the Zionist Union’s growing lead, but warned not to count Netanyahu out.
“Nothing is final,” columnist Ben Caspit wrote in Friday’s editions of the Maariv newspaper. “The gap is not unerasable.”
[h=1]Tenn. Rep. Cohen Rips Netanyahu for Using Congress in Campaign Ad[/h] Friday, March 13, 2015 11:08 AM
By: Drew MacKenzie
Tennessee Democratic Rep. Steve Cohen has slammed Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for using footage from his address to Congress this month in a TV commercial for his re-election campaign.
The Israeli Likud party released the ad on Thursday containing scenes of Netanyahu receiving a standing ovation on Capitol Hill from members of Congress, according to The Times of Israel.
Cohen skipped the speech along with other 50 other Democrats partially because Netanyahu was due to condemn President Barack Obama's plan to strike a nuclear deal with Iran.
The congressman said that he was also concerned that Netanyahu would use the speech to boost his election chances in Israel, where recent polls show the Likud would trail the opposition Zionist Union by five seats in Israel's Knesset following the election next week.
"I had hoped this prediction might have had a chilling effect and caused the prime minister to reconsider before using Congress as a campaign backdrop. Instead, my fears have been realized," Cohen said.
Cohen, who is Jewish, pointed out that members of Congress are banned from using congressional proceedings for their own campaign ads, while adding that the same rule should apply to foreign officials.
"The use of congressional proceedings in campaign ads is prohibited for members of Congress, and Prime Minister Netanyahu's predictable use of this footage is one of several reasons I did not attend his speech," Cohen said.
"I am saddened that Congress is once again being turned into theater and that the prime minister made our Capitol into a studio for his political ads, complete with teleprompters and a live studio audience."
The video shows scenes of Netanyahu speaking to the Knesset, panning across empty opposition seats, while mixing it up with footage of the Israeli leader speaking to a packed House chamber.
According to The Hill, Netanyahu has denied that his speech was meant to boost his re-election chances in Israel.
"I know that my speech has been the subject of much controversy. I deeply regret that some perceive [it] as political. That was never my intention," said Netanyahu, who was invited to speak to Congress by House Speaker John Boehner.
Obama snubbed the address along with Vice President Joe Biden and declined to meet Netanyahu during his Washington trip.
By: Drew MacKenzie
Tennessee Democratic Rep. Steve Cohen has slammed Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for using footage from his address to Congress this month in a TV commercial for his re-election campaign.
The Israeli Likud party released the ad on Thursday containing scenes of Netanyahu receiving a standing ovation on Capitol Hill from members of Congress, according to The Times of Israel.
Cohen skipped the speech along with other 50 other Democrats partially because Netanyahu was due to condemn President Barack Obama's plan to strike a nuclear deal with Iran.
The congressman said that he was also concerned that Netanyahu would use the speech to boost his election chances in Israel, where recent polls show the Likud would trail the opposition Zionist Union by five seats in Israel's Knesset following the election next week.
"I had hoped this prediction might have had a chilling effect and caused the prime minister to reconsider before using Congress as a campaign backdrop. Instead, my fears have been realized," Cohen said.
Cohen, who is Jewish, pointed out that members of Congress are banned from using congressional proceedings for their own campaign ads, while adding that the same rule should apply to foreign officials.
"The use of congressional proceedings in campaign ads is prohibited for members of Congress, and Prime Minister Netanyahu's predictable use of this footage is one of several reasons I did not attend his speech," Cohen said.
"I am saddened that Congress is once again being turned into theater and that the prime minister made our Capitol into a studio for his political ads, complete with teleprompters and a live studio audience."
The video shows scenes of Netanyahu speaking to the Knesset, panning across empty opposition seats, while mixing it up with footage of the Israeli leader speaking to a packed House chamber.
According to The Hill, Netanyahu has denied that his speech was meant to boost his re-election chances in Israel.
"I know that my speech has been the subject of much controversy. I deeply regret that some perceive [it] as political. That was never my intention," said Netanyahu, who was invited to speak to Congress by House Speaker John Boehner.
Obama snubbed the address along with Vice President Joe Biden and declined to meet Netanyahu during his Washington trip.
Congrats. A guy who posts from electronicintafada 'aka' killthejews.net and ONLY comes to this room to bash Israel claims to read your articles and claims they are truth. Nobody else does anything but scroll. So the time you've spent has accomplished nothing except garnered more vitriol towards you. If that was your aim you succeeded.
You have vermin like a Terrorist Supporter, a sick Birther, a sick stalking, fake religious, racist welcher, and other assorted morons in your camp, mutually sucking each others balls, and I am proud if they have vitriol towards me. I'll take a classy individual like DH, who while I disagree with him about aspects of Israeli policy, is a calm, level headed guy, who can debate things without taking it into the gutter, in my camp.
You forgot to mention anything about touting in the above post. By the way what a great week I am having!
I am sure you went into the gutter first but that's not important. You didn't answer the question. In fact, if we were to extrapolate your post even further, all the people you mentioned with all their flaws real and imagined by you are Israel supporters. Does that mean you are not? No, the question is, what do YOU GAIN from repeatedly and to the point of obsession airing the dirty laundry of the only Jewish State in this thread?
Same old stuff Guesser. All Netanyahu has done for years is wage a fear campaign, just to maintain his grip on power. The fear campaign diverts attention of Israel's real woes......unaffordable housing, poverty for millions of children (the most in years), and very high inflation, and absurd cost of living. These are the real issues.......and Netanyahu diverts attention from all of that by playing the fear card. Israel is sinking deeper into the abyss, thanks to his tacticts. I hope someone comes along that will be better for Israel and the rest of the world.....before it is too late.
You went into the gutter months before I finally responded in kind, but of course, to you, that's not important. Eventually, you reap what you sow.
Of Course I'm an Israel supporter. Anyone sane knows that. I am posting things I find interesting, showing how bad Bibi is for Israel, and why it's so important for Israelis to make the right decision, for their most safe and secure futures. I learn by researching and reading articles, and posting to topics that interest me, and hopefully discussing those things(which you ruin with your gutter tactics, but oh well). Someday, hopefully soon, you'll wake up and realize that Bibi is and was bad for Israel, and with new leadership comes better times. You equate posting "dirty laundry" about Bibi as posting bad stuff about The Jewish State, which is, of course, absurd. If that was the case, every anti Obama post you and anyone else posts is Anti American.
