by JIM RUTENBERG
ARLINGTON, Va., July 13 - Shortly before 2 p.m. on Monday, a handful of President Bush's campaign aides huddled around two small speakers in a room that, with its shades drawn, was lit by the glow of 15 television monitors. They were listening to the voice of Senator John Kerry.
None of the networks were carrying Mr. Kerry's entire speech to a group of financial donors, mostly women, in Boston that day. But Mr. Bush's operatives had somehow arranged for their own audio feed, they refused to say how, and were listening intently, ready to pounce on any opening for attack.
After sitting impatiently through what seemed to be a typical stump speech, they found one: Mr. Kerry said that he was "proud" of votes by him and his running mate, Senator John Edwards, last fall against the president's requested $87 billion appropriation for troops in Iraq and Afghanistan. It is a vote that Republicans have used to make a case that Mr. Kerry was failing to support the troops after voting to authorize the war.
Within an hour or so, Mr. Bush's team, at the campaign's headquarters in a corporate office building in suburban Virginia, across the Potomac River from the White House, had sent a release via e-mail to hundreds of journalists, supporters and campaign surrogates. The e-mail message included the new quote and one from September, when Mr. Kerry implied it would be "irresponsible'' to vote against such spending. The quotation, along with the idea that Mr. Kerry's position on the money had evolved, found its way onto Fox News and into articles in The Washington Post, USA Today, The New York Times, The Boston Globe and The Associated Press.
And this was a relatively slow day in Mr. Bush's war room.
Several journalists who cover Mr. Kerry later said they were too embarrassed to say publicly that it took the Bush operatives to spot what was notable in Mr. Kerry's remarks.
Though far more technologically advanced, Mr. Bush's war room was built in the mold of Bill Clinton's pioneering effort in 1992, which combined campaign research and communications staff members to collect and disburse information to the news media, which are crucial in shaping perceptions and candidates, as quickly as possible.
That operation was rooted in defense, born of the Democrats' vows to never again allow Republican attacks to go unanswered the way they believed they did during the 1988 race between Michael S. Dukakis and George Bush.
Mr. Bush's operation, however, is rooted more in offense, devised to seek out and exploit every possible opportunity to paint Mr. Kerry as a political equivocator who switches positions on important issues when it suits his political interest.
As such, the war room is the nerve center of what Democrats, and some presidential scholars, have called the most relentlessly negative re-election campaign in memory - and what Republicans say is a necessarily energetic drive to hold Mr. Kerry to a record they say is rife with contradictions. On a daily basis, the assembled Republicans hope to pick new fights based on Mr. Kerry's most recent statements, and those from his past.
The central tenet of Mr. Bush's communications operation is on a sign on the office door of Nicolle Devenish, Mr. Bush's campaign
communications director, which says: "It's the Hypocrisy, Stupid," a play on the famous sign in Mr. Clinton's 1992 war room, "It's the Economy, Stupid."
"When you run against an opponent who is both a committed liberal and a committed flip-flopper, you have to have all that research about him all of the time," Ms. Devenish said. "Because he's going to go on the trail and say something ludicrous, like he did last week when he said 'I share your conservative values,' and you need to rapidly provide reporters with evidence to the contrary."
In that case, after Mr. Kerry told reporters in Cloquet, Minn., in early July, "I actually represent the conservative values that they feel." Mr. Kerry has, at times, said he was referring to fiscal policy and health care costs when addressing the values debate.
Mr. Bush's campaign responded with a list of examples that it says belie the notion that Mr. Kerry does have conservative values, including votes against the death penalty and for higher taxes.
Of course, Mr. Kerry's campaign has a war room, as well. And it has been credited with not only defending Mr. Kerry from Republican charges quickly but also taking the offensive, as it did recently against Mr. Bush over high gasoline prices. Speaking of his Bush campaign opponents, Chad Clanton, a spokesman in Mr. Kerry's war room said Tuesday, "They're doing an incredible job of trying to mop up after a failed administration that's made America less safe and less secure."
Reporters who cover the campaigns say Mr. Kerry's war room has grown competitive with that of Mr. Bush, but only in recent weeks. Not distracted by primary opponents, Mr. Bush's war room was well in place when Mr. Kerry's campaign was still moving to more of a general election footing.
Mr. Bush's campaign agreed to requests from two news organizations to observe the war room's activities for a day; Mr. Kerry's campaign denied the same request. The visit, which lasted from 5 a.m. to nearly 8 p.m. Monday, provided an unusual glimpse into the Bush campaign's daily efforts to discredit Mr. Kerry.
The war room has three long tables lined with computers. Most are staffed by college students or recent graduates who constantly monitor politically oriented Web sites and watch the television monitors, which are regularly tuned to all of the major cable and financial news networks, the various C-Span feeds and the major broadcast networks.
The core war room staff of eight begins its workday at 5 a.m. But it is a 24-hour operation, fueled by Coca-Cola, coffee and Slurpees. Overnight three to four interns watch the late news programs, the late-night comedy shows and the Internet for any campaign news. One critical overnight job is to collect the most important items from the morning newspapers.
Another task is to seek any new clues in local papers about planned appearances by Mr. Kerry, Mr. Edwards or their high-profile surrogates so that the campaign can plan to send its own friendly state representatives to speak against the Kerry campaign. The schedule, which is sent out to senior Bush communications aides, is titled "Wild-Eyed Watch."
The Monday morning papers included no great revelations about Mr. Kerry and his new running mate.
The schedule, as far as the war room staff could figure it, had Mr. Kerry making appearances in Boston and heading to Orlando, Fla., to address firemen and rescue workers on Wednesday. At a meeting of policy and communications aides, Steve Schmidt, Mr. Bush's deputy communications director, directed his staff to plan a conference call for Orlando reporters with Representative Adam H. Putman of Florida, to criticize Mr. Kerry on various votes.
Noting that a fund-raising concert for Mr. Kerry featuring Jackson Browne was scheduled for Monday night, Mr. Schmidt instructed staff members who deal with reporters to remind them of the Friday night fund-raising concert for Mr. Kerry at which Whoopi Goldberg used lewd jokes to deride Mr. Bush, undercutting Mr. Kerry's claim to represent conservative values. "They've probably got a trap door on the stage this time," Mr. Schmidt said.
For all of the planning for action, and determination to show off its war room to the press, Monday was shaping up as a very dry day. Mr. Kerry, it turned out, was not making his trip to Orlando. The White House was taking the lead on the front of daily battle as Mr. Bush defended his rationale for war. Mr. Kerry's schedule was somewhat limited, which reduced the opportunities for material for the war room staff members. After CNN featured a news segment about an Iguana stuck in a tree, Ms. Devenish declared it one of the slowest news days in memory. The senior staff in the room seemed bored as interns clicked away on the Internet.
But Mr. Kerry's pronouncement that he was proud of the vote against the $87 billion appropriation gave the war room something to attack. He was actually referring to Mr. Edwards when he said: "I'm proud to say that John joined me in voting against that $87 billion when we knew the policy had to be changed."
After Republicans sent an e-mail message about the comment to their vast list of reporters, Mr. Schmidt followed up with telephone calls to select reporters traveling with Mr. Kerry to make sure they noticed it. "The news of the day," Mr. Schmidt proclaimed in one phone call to a reporter, "is an evolution on the $87 billion. Now John Kerry said he was proud." (Mr. Kerry's campaign argued that Mr. Kerry has always stood by his vote and that the Bush campaign was making something out of nothing particularly new. )
On Tuesday, Mr. Bush's aides, while careful not to credit themselves for persuading reporters to jump on the quote, were clearly pleased that it popped up in many articles. Even so, they were not entirely satisfied. Mr. Schmidt said he would ask some of the campaign's surrogates to bring it up again during television appearances.
But in the end, surrogates were not necessary. Mr. Bush, apprised of the quote by his campaign aides, brought it up himself during a speech in Michigan on Tuesday, saying, "Members of Congress should not vote to send troops into battle and then vote against funding them. And then brag about it."
That sound bite was featured prominently near the beginning of "World News Tonight with Peter Jennings" on Tuesday. The program's average, nightly audience far outreaches any single newspaper: more than eight million people.
ARLINGTON, Va., July 13 - Shortly before 2 p.m. on Monday, a handful of President Bush's campaign aides huddled around two small speakers in a room that, with its shades drawn, was lit by the glow of 15 television monitors. They were listening to the voice of Senator John Kerry.
None of the networks were carrying Mr. Kerry's entire speech to a group of financial donors, mostly women, in Boston that day. But Mr. Bush's operatives had somehow arranged for their own audio feed, they refused to say how, and were listening intently, ready to pounce on any opening for attack.
After sitting impatiently through what seemed to be a typical stump speech, they found one: Mr. Kerry said that he was "proud" of votes by him and his running mate, Senator John Edwards, last fall against the president's requested $87 billion appropriation for troops in Iraq and Afghanistan. It is a vote that Republicans have used to make a case that Mr. Kerry was failing to support the troops after voting to authorize the war.
Within an hour or so, Mr. Bush's team, at the campaign's headquarters in a corporate office building in suburban Virginia, across the Potomac River from the White House, had sent a release via e-mail to hundreds of journalists, supporters and campaign surrogates. The e-mail message included the new quote and one from September, when Mr. Kerry implied it would be "irresponsible'' to vote against such spending. The quotation, along with the idea that Mr. Kerry's position on the money had evolved, found its way onto Fox News and into articles in The Washington Post, USA Today, The New York Times, The Boston Globe and The Associated Press.
And this was a relatively slow day in Mr. Bush's war room.
Several journalists who cover Mr. Kerry later said they were too embarrassed to say publicly that it took the Bush operatives to spot what was notable in Mr. Kerry's remarks.
Though far more technologically advanced, Mr. Bush's war room was built in the mold of Bill Clinton's pioneering effort in 1992, which combined campaign research and communications staff members to collect and disburse information to the news media, which are crucial in shaping perceptions and candidates, as quickly as possible.
That operation was rooted in defense, born of the Democrats' vows to never again allow Republican attacks to go unanswered the way they believed they did during the 1988 race between Michael S. Dukakis and George Bush.
Mr. Bush's operation, however, is rooted more in offense, devised to seek out and exploit every possible opportunity to paint Mr. Kerry as a political equivocator who switches positions on important issues when it suits his political interest.
As such, the war room is the nerve center of what Democrats, and some presidential scholars, have called the most relentlessly negative re-election campaign in memory - and what Republicans say is a necessarily energetic drive to hold Mr. Kerry to a record they say is rife with contradictions. On a daily basis, the assembled Republicans hope to pick new fights based on Mr. Kerry's most recent statements, and those from his past.
The central tenet of Mr. Bush's communications operation is on a sign on the office door of Nicolle Devenish, Mr. Bush's campaign
communications director, which says: "It's the Hypocrisy, Stupid," a play on the famous sign in Mr. Clinton's 1992 war room, "It's the Economy, Stupid."
"When you run against an opponent who is both a committed liberal and a committed flip-flopper, you have to have all that research about him all of the time," Ms. Devenish said. "Because he's going to go on the trail and say something ludicrous, like he did last week when he said 'I share your conservative values,' and you need to rapidly provide reporters with evidence to the contrary."
In that case, after Mr. Kerry told reporters in Cloquet, Minn., in early July, "I actually represent the conservative values that they feel." Mr. Kerry has, at times, said he was referring to fiscal policy and health care costs when addressing the values debate.
Mr. Bush's campaign responded with a list of examples that it says belie the notion that Mr. Kerry does have conservative values, including votes against the death penalty and for higher taxes.
Of course, Mr. Kerry's campaign has a war room, as well. And it has been credited with not only defending Mr. Kerry from Republican charges quickly but also taking the offensive, as it did recently against Mr. Bush over high gasoline prices. Speaking of his Bush campaign opponents, Chad Clanton, a spokesman in Mr. Kerry's war room said Tuesday, "They're doing an incredible job of trying to mop up after a failed administration that's made America less safe and less secure."
Reporters who cover the campaigns say Mr. Kerry's war room has grown competitive with that of Mr. Bush, but only in recent weeks. Not distracted by primary opponents, Mr. Bush's war room was well in place when Mr. Kerry's campaign was still moving to more of a general election footing.
Mr. Bush's campaign agreed to requests from two news organizations to observe the war room's activities for a day; Mr. Kerry's campaign denied the same request. The visit, which lasted from 5 a.m. to nearly 8 p.m. Monday, provided an unusual glimpse into the Bush campaign's daily efforts to discredit Mr. Kerry.
The war room has three long tables lined with computers. Most are staffed by college students or recent graduates who constantly monitor politically oriented Web sites and watch the television monitors, which are regularly tuned to all of the major cable and financial news networks, the various C-Span feeds and the major broadcast networks.
The core war room staff of eight begins its workday at 5 a.m. But it is a 24-hour operation, fueled by Coca-Cola, coffee and Slurpees. Overnight three to four interns watch the late news programs, the late-night comedy shows and the Internet for any campaign news. One critical overnight job is to collect the most important items from the morning newspapers.
Another task is to seek any new clues in local papers about planned appearances by Mr. Kerry, Mr. Edwards or their high-profile surrogates so that the campaign can plan to send its own friendly state representatives to speak against the Kerry campaign. The schedule, which is sent out to senior Bush communications aides, is titled "Wild-Eyed Watch."
The Monday morning papers included no great revelations about Mr. Kerry and his new running mate.
The schedule, as far as the war room staff could figure it, had Mr. Kerry making appearances in Boston and heading to Orlando, Fla., to address firemen and rescue workers on Wednesday. At a meeting of policy and communications aides, Steve Schmidt, Mr. Bush's deputy communications director, directed his staff to plan a conference call for Orlando reporters with Representative Adam H. Putman of Florida, to criticize Mr. Kerry on various votes.
Noting that a fund-raising concert for Mr. Kerry featuring Jackson Browne was scheduled for Monday night, Mr. Schmidt instructed staff members who deal with reporters to remind them of the Friday night fund-raising concert for Mr. Kerry at which Whoopi Goldberg used lewd jokes to deride Mr. Bush, undercutting Mr. Kerry's claim to represent conservative values. "They've probably got a trap door on the stage this time," Mr. Schmidt said.
For all of the planning for action, and determination to show off its war room to the press, Monday was shaping up as a very dry day. Mr. Kerry, it turned out, was not making his trip to Orlando. The White House was taking the lead on the front of daily battle as Mr. Bush defended his rationale for war. Mr. Kerry's schedule was somewhat limited, which reduced the opportunities for material for the war room staff members. After CNN featured a news segment about an Iguana stuck in a tree, Ms. Devenish declared it one of the slowest news days in memory. The senior staff in the room seemed bored as interns clicked away on the Internet.
But Mr. Kerry's pronouncement that he was proud of the vote against the $87 billion appropriation gave the war room something to attack. He was actually referring to Mr. Edwards when he said: "I'm proud to say that John joined me in voting against that $87 billion when we knew the policy had to be changed."
After Republicans sent an e-mail message about the comment to their vast list of reporters, Mr. Schmidt followed up with telephone calls to select reporters traveling with Mr. Kerry to make sure they noticed it. "The news of the day," Mr. Schmidt proclaimed in one phone call to a reporter, "is an evolution on the $87 billion. Now John Kerry said he was proud." (Mr. Kerry's campaign argued that Mr. Kerry has always stood by his vote and that the Bush campaign was making something out of nothing particularly new. )
On Tuesday, Mr. Bush's aides, while careful not to credit themselves for persuading reporters to jump on the quote, were clearly pleased that it popped up in many articles. Even so, they were not entirely satisfied. Mr. Schmidt said he would ask some of the campaign's surrogates to bring it up again during television appearances.
But in the end, surrogates were not necessary. Mr. Bush, apprised of the quote by his campaign aides, brought it up himself during a speech in Michigan on Tuesday, saying, "Members of Congress should not vote to send troops into battle and then vote against funding them. And then brag about it."
That sound bite was featured prominently near the beginning of "World News Tonight with Peter Jennings" on Tuesday. The program's average, nightly audience far outreaches any single newspaper: more than eight million people.
